Phnom Penh (FN), Oct. 26 – The Cambodian opposition led by Sam Rainsy is going from failure to failure.

Sam Rainsy launched in 1994-1995 into opposition to the government and the political party to which he had belonged and ensured his loyalty. Almost thirty years later, what is its record? He is a 73-year-old Frenchman who lives at home with his family in France and he is at the same time a Cambodian in exile, heavily condemned by the justice of his country of origin.

His elected career is very short. He was member of parliament for Siem Reap from 1993 to 1995, minister of state and minister of economy and finance from 1993 to 1994, member of the steering committee of the first political party of Cambodia. His refusal to submit to the discipline of his party, FUNCINPEC, caused him to be removed from office, expelled from the party and, as a result, he was forced to leave parliament. His functions allowed him to effectively serve the Cambodians who had elected him, but he preferred to seek confrontation and engage in quarrels. Blinded by his incompetence as a politician, he was heading for another failure. In the 2013 elections, his party won 55 seats but acted in such a way that he excluded himself from national political life and prevented his party from fulfilling its opposition functions. Sam Rainsy had everything, he lost everything through his own fault. His political strategy and tactics were wrong. He was never able to find the means to put into practice the great ideas he claimed to promote. As a politician, he never managed to demonstrate his ability to win. Admittedly, he is dealing with a formidable adversary, but if one engages in the struggle to conquer power, it is to win and not to lose.

Sam Rainsy led in his madness as an irresponsible political leader a large number of Cambodians who believed in his demagogic speeches. The most serious thing about this affair is that many of his supporters have seen their sacrifices and their hopes dashed and others have died. No one forgets the demonstration organized and led by Sam Rainsy on March 30, 1997. In his numerous statements and those of other witnesses available on the Internet, he said that when he arrived at the place where the demonstration was gathered, he and others saw that there was a danger. Any leader who takes responsibility for marching his supporters must know, in case of danger, how to give and enforce an order to dissolve the demonstration he is leading. Sam Rainsy did not give this order and led his supporters to the massacre. His responsibility as a leader is total. Since 1997, no statement by Sam Rainsy or his supporters or foreign experts who advised him has mentioned the existence at the time of a security measure providing for an order to dissolve the demonstration of March 30, 1997. This security measure simply did not exist. The families of the victims need to know this.

Sam Rainsy claims the status of champion of the Cambodian political opposition. Since 1995, it has spread to all forums that accept it and delivers its propaganda there. With exemplary perseverance, he achieves no result that would bring him closer to the power he has been aiming for since 1995! He persists in not succeeding, uses the same false arguments, avoids novelties dictated by the evolution of the world, uses the same infallible recipes that lead him to failure.

Sentenced to prison, he fled and was pardoned by the king on the proposal of the prime minister. He repeated his misdeeds, was convicted, fled and was again pardoned. More than ever fascinated and attracted by failure, he couldn't help but start over. Beyond the anecdote, Sam Rainsy demonstrates his way of serving the population. His agitations of a turbulent and unstable child serve him as a policy. It would be useful for those who support him to come out of their tragic dreams.

To support Sam Rainsy is to do a very disservice to the cause of democracy, the cause of human rights and fundamental freedoms and the development of Cambodia. Cambodia is not a great power and must navigate in the midst of colossal forces. In the North of Cambodia, the formidable China with its 1.5 billion inhabitants; to the East a neighbor of 100 million people seeking outlets for their busy industry; to the East again, powerful Japan and flourishing South Korea and in the nearby Pacific Ocean the permanent presence of the American hyperpower which intends to govern the world order and oppose China head-on. Cambodia occupies a geostrategic position coveted by several powers. The Khmer country must also defend its sovereignty, its independence, its territorial integrity, its neutrality and preserve its identity built on a civilization more than two thousand years old. To achieve these objectives, policies must be pursued with relentlessness. The first policy is to guarantee peace and stability. Then, ensure food security for all Cambodians, provide sufficient health coverage in quantity and quality, provide school and university education as well as the professional training essential to the functioning of the country. Develop and equip the territory with the infrastructures that meet the needs of the inhabitants. Ensure the security of people and property and the defense of the national territory. In the world of the beginning of the new millennium, characterized by multipolarity and interconnection, Cambodia must actively participate in regional and global life. Finally, the necessary funding must be raised to pay for the implementation of these policies.

But Sam Rainsy is hardly concerned about these considerations. He often repeats, "I don't care about anything." Indeed, he respects nothing and no one, neither the memory of his parents, nor that of his supporters who died for having listened to his words. He does not even respect himself.

Bopha Phat is a Cambodian analyst based in Phnom Penh.
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